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THE INDUSTRIAL AND EDUCATIONAL INTERESTS OF OUR PEOPLE PARAMOUNT TO ALL OTHER CONSIDERATIONS OF STATE POLICY. RALEIGH, N. C, JULY 14, 1891. Vol. 6. No. 21 THE NATIONAL FARMERS ALLI ANCE AND INDUSTRIAL UNION. President L. L. Polk, North Caro lina. Address, 344 D. St., N. W.f Washington, D. C. Vice Resident B. IT. Clover, Cam bridge, Kansas. Secretary-Treasurer J. H. Turner. Georgia. Address, 239 North Capitol St., N. W., Wasliington, D. C. Lecturer J. H. Willetts, Kansas. EXECUTIVE BOARD. C. W. Macune, Washington, D. C. Alonzo Wardall, Huron, South Da kota. J. F. Tillman, Palmetto, Tennessee. JUDICIARY. R. C. Patty, Macon, Miss. Isaac McCracken, Ozone, Ark. A. E. Cole, Fowlerviile, Mich. NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. The Presidents of all the State organ izations with L. L. Polk Ex-officio Chairman. NORTH CAROLINA FARMERS' STATE ALLI ANCE. President Elias Carr, Old Sparta, :f C Vice-President A. H. Hayes, Bird town, N. O. . Secretary W. S. Barnes, Raleigh, N- C. ' Treasurer J. D. Allen, Falls, N. C. Lecturer Thos. B. Long, Asheville, V C Assistant Lecturer R. B. Hunter, Huntersville, N. C. Chaplain S. J. Veach, Warsaw, Door-Keeper W. H. Tomlmson, Fayetteville, N. C. Assistant Door-Keeper H. E. Kmg, Peanut, N. C. Sergeant-a t-Arms J . S. Holt, Chalk Level, N. C. State Business Agent W. H. Worth, Raleigh, N. C. Trustee Business Agency Fund W. A. Graham. Machpelah, . C. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OP THE NORTH CAROLINA FARMERS1 STATE ALLIANCE. S. B. Alexander, Charlotte, N. C, Chairman; J. M. Mewborne, Kinston, N. C. ; J. S. Johnston, Ruffin, N. C. STATE ALLIANCE LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE. R. J. Powell, Raleigh, N. C. N. C. English Trinitv College ; J. J. Young, Polenta-, H. A."Forney, Newton, N. C. IS IT WISEP-THE TARIFF. Beaver Dam, N. C, June 20, '91. Mr. Editor: In your last issue you had an article on tariff reform. I con sider your warning well worthy of the attention of reform readers, and I agree with you in what you say in regard to the tariff except when you assert that "it is, indeed, the most vital financial question that is now before the people, or that can come before the people." To say this is to say that it is the great est cause of so much depression in American industries, and that it is the great cause of so much mortgage in debtedness and loss of homes among laboring people. That the tariff is an important issue no conservative think ing man will deny; but it passes into insignificance when compared with the currency question. Twenty-five years ago money was plentiful and the people practically out of debt. The tariff was as high then as now. Just why it has plundered so many homes and made so many paupers within the short space of twenty-five years and is now the most vital issue that can come before the people, is somewhat difficult to understand. Why did we not feel the effects of the tariff then? Because the volume of money in circulation was sufficient to meet the demands of trade and do the business of the country. What then has been the greatest cause of so much discontent and suffering among industrious people? Answer: The contraction of the currency. Re sult: Money rises in value, everything else declines. Then there is a disposi tion to hoard money which causes a high rate of interest. It creates a sj s tem of which bankers are the high priests and the people its victims. Such a system cripples all industries and robs people who are in debt. Is it any wonder then that the abolition of national banks was placed first in our demands? It is true we demand a just regula tion of the tariff. We know that under high protective tariff manufacturers can form trusts and combines to levy tribute on the people and that this has been one of the many causes to bring about the present alarming conditions. We further know that it is useless to ask tariff reform of either of the old parties. It has been so presented to the people, by tadpole politicians, that it has served as a mere sham to divide the people. It has been a theme of wrangling from the candidates for President down to the township con stable, still it 'is a question that nine tenths of the people know nothing about. Since this is the case, many friends of reform have become dis gustea h it as an issue, hence their disposh to ignore it. Both the old parties a practically the same on the tariff. Both are virtually controlled by the money power, and they dare not go contrary to the dictates of this power. They are not going to adjust the tariff laws, for to do that would be to settle the only pretended difference between them and render them help less for want, of something to divide the people. To divide is their only hope to enslave us: Their continued howl over the tariff has kept the people blind as to other more important issues. Money is power. The centralization of money is the centralization of power. National banks have done more to cen tralize capital than all else combined. Members of the most gigantic trusts are also members and stockholders in national banks. They can contract or expand the circulating medium at will. It is said that "they can at a single day's notice act together with such power that no act of Congress can re sist their decision." What have the old parties said about the national banks? Other matters of much less importance have been the subject of long and laborious messages, but on the subject of national banks they are as silent as a tomb. In conclusion, if The Progressive Farmer will show how and why the tariff is a more vital issue than the na tional banking question, it will be more satisfactory than a "mere statement of this truth." I do not make these sug gestions to create any heated discus sion, but through pure motives. I be lieve that such important questions should be discussed in a cool and de liberate manner, for "to reason with the angry is like whispering to the deaf." Yours fraternally, J. Z. Green. CURRITUCK HEARD FROM. Currituck, N. C. Mr. Editor : I read in your issue of June 16th a reply to an Allianceman by B. J. N. He says that he hardly dares to write again, and in my humble "opinion it would be better for the gen eral public if he would decline writing again, on such topics as his. He also says that every free man has a right to an opinion of his own. So he has, but he ought to be very careful if he is an Allianceman, how he expresses it concerning the Sub-Treasury and Free Coinage bills. It is my candid opinion that his speech is very poor fuel to add to the fire of reform. He also says that if all are ruled out who do not be lieve in those two bills, that he is afraid the Order will lose many valuable members. I think the man who does not believe in either of those bills had better divest himself of the Alliance uniform at once, and quit practicing hypocricy. Yet I believe that there are a great many weak-minded men who will allow themselves to be led astray by such speeches as his. Again he asks: "Is it not possible that many who were in favor of the Sub-Treasury and Free Coinage bills at the time of the Ocala Convention, who will be quite different at the next elec tion?" True it is; there are many men to day who are like the Israelites, who said : ' ' Give us gods of our own, for it would have been better for us to have stayed in Egypt than to perish in the wilderness." Again our correspondent thinks that if the cotton was stored in government warehouses, the spinners would be aware of the fact and would hold back until the farmers were bound to sell, and they could buy at reduced rates. But he don't seem to know that with a sufficieat volume of currency placed within the reach of rich and poor alike, that every pound of cotton will be con sumed annually. He then offers a land loan bill, which he thinks will answer for the Free Coinage and Sub Treasury bills, both, claiming that his bill provides for the farmer to borrow money to raise his crops on," instead of borrowing it to sell it on. . I may be wrong, but I think there is as much in selling your produce, as there is in growing it. His plan also excludes the well to-do farmer and the renter. He claims that a man owning 300 acres or more, with a mortgage on it, or without 'sufficient funds to run his business should not have the bene fit of the law, but let him sell off enough to raise the mortgage or run his farm. I think there are very few men who will support a bill which does not bene fit themselves; besides, where is the farmer owning 300 acres of land, who has five or six. children also, who is willing to dispose of a single acre of it? Now what we want is something that will be the greatest good to the greatest number. Our correspondent thinks it would be unjust for the farmers to demand money at 2 per cent, while the favored class have been borrowing it these many years at 1 per cent. It seems that he is a sincere believer in that passage of the Scripture which says, " take from him that hath the i talent and give to him that hath the 10." Again, he seems to think that the Ocala Convention was not cautious enough in setting forth their declara tion of principles. I think it would be better if he would first cast the beam from his own eye, and then he could see more clearly how to cast the mote out of his brother's eye. Our correspondent has challenged the world on his principles, but I think if the land loan bill, according to the dictates of this gentleman, was enacted, that it would be class legislation in every sense of the word. If I have made any misstatements concerning his speeches, I . beg to be corrected. C. A. B. SUPPORT THE REFORM PRESS. Papers That Are True to the Peoples' In terests Should be Patronized. We are entering a mighty conflict. The usurpers who have enslaved labor and seized the reins of government, though comparatively few in number, are entrenched in office. They have summoned to their aid all the preju dices of ignorant conservatism and the mercenary venality of subsidized intel ligence. In the battle for the emanci pation of industry, the press is to be the most important factor 1 The great dailies of the country have almost with out exception steadily and insolently opposed all reform measures advanced, and a host of lesser satellites through out the country who move in obedi ence to the same forces have echoed their railings. Many of the most influential religious and agricultural journals, which have hitherto been admitted as confidential advisors to the homes of the people. are opening their columns to long disquisi tions on "honest money" and "class legislation," and pleading the cause of "vested rights" and "business inter ests, " while insolently refusing old-time friends and supporters the privilege of presenting the cause of the people. A few papers have through many years of adversity, struggling against pover ty, calumny and ridicule, been true to the cause of the great common people. And to-day reform papers are spring ing up all over the country, many of them edited with conspicuous ability, devoting more space and thought to a discussion of vital issues in one edition than the so-called "great papers" do in half a dozen. The duty of all true friends of reform is to lend a hearty support to the papers which fight for their principles is so plain that it ought not to be necessary to urge it upom them. Their duty to promptly with draw their support from all papers which resort to falsehood and scurril ous abuse and. ridicule of reform meas ures and their advocates, is equally plain. Support your friends and refuse aid and sustenance to the enemy. Ioica Tribune. AN APPEAL FOR HELP. We, the members of Cedar Fork Alliance, No. 337, Duplin county, N. C. , do hereby solicit aid from the sub ordinate Alliances for our unfortunate brother Daniel J. Brinson, who is a worthy member of our Alliance. Ho is 71 years old, blind in one eye :and can see but very little out of the other, and is also a little deaf. He has no one in family but himself, his wife and one daughter and all are very unhealthy. He had the misfortune on the night of the 21st of June to have his kitchen, all his provisions; meat, flour, coffee, syrup, and all his kitchen furniture consumed by fire. The loss to him is very " great." We therefore appeal to Alliances throughout the State to con tribute to his relief. -Any amount, however small, ' will be greatly, appre ciated. Please forward all donations to Daniel J. Brinson, Lyman, Duplin county, or to Ellen Sanderson, Secre tary of Cedar Fork Alliance, Lyman, N.C. I. M. Sanderson, C. R. Hunter, E. F. Brinson. Committee. .. The twenty-third session of the Amer ican Pomological Society will be held at Washington, D. C, on the 22d, 23d, 21th and 25th of September, 1891. An official programme will bo issued at an early day, tor which address . G. B. Brackett, Secy, Denmark, Iowa. TKE RESIGNATION OF BAYLUS CADE. As refreshing as a green spot in a dry desert it is to witness an example of disinterested virtue in this venal age. Baylus Cade could not see in the Sub Treasury that which he could support, and so, like an honest man, he steps down and out. What a striking con trast to the course of U. S. Hall and others ! Our fathers tell us that in the early days of the republic, when times were good and men w ere honest, that any one elected to an office and on re ceiving certain instructions from his constituents which he could not con scientiously fulfil, he would resign his office and come home and allow the people to send a man imbued with the importance of such instructions. This, they say, was the custom in the early days of the republic; and the resigna tion of our former editor gives' us a re minder of those honest times and honest men. In this view of the case he has done the people of the nation a great service even in his resignation. We always honor the man who has no duplicity and venality in his make-up, let him be for or against us. We have said this affords us a strik ing contrast to the course of U. S. Hall in Missouri, and to some of our brothers in Mississippi ; but it also affords us a contrast to the plutocratic press who has eagerly jumped at this , moral to give it to their hungry followers. Tell us now, where there is a hundred to one in this State, how many editors of the plutocratic press, have resigned be cause they could not support all of the party measures. Some editors, who were also at the same time the owners, have been independent in their utter ances, but even these were as ragged strangers in the yard for every fice, cur and bull pup to bark at. Some fatalitjr seems to have seized hold on the plutocracy, and when they think they have a good thing and make a thrust at this popular movement the blo w recoils and hits them in the face. It would be gross injustice to our former editor to entertain a thought thr this was a backhanded lick of his as he passed out of the door of the editorial sanctum. Also it would be a miracle equal to the raising of the dead should we find no difference of opinion among several millions of people on any one subject. That there should be honest and sincere men who believe that the Sub-Treasury7is not good is perfectly natural, for we find them differing in their notions as to the way to get to Heaven ; so also on every other question in politics and science. The greatest wonder of all is, that the plutocracy, with its powerful states men and obedient press plyingjill the arts that ingenuity can devise, has not shattered the unity of the people on this new and untried principle of the Sub-Treasury. It stands to-day against all this battery of wits and sophistry with tenfold more unity than the Democratic party does on free coinage or a tariff for revenue. In fact of any party on any; particular measure. Against this unity the shafts of the enemy will be hurled in vain. We have learned their motives and know their tricks. They know that an open attack will press the rank and file into closer unity, so that we must look for their thrusts from behind the bush, to-wit: They praise Baylus Cade and commend U. S. Hall and speak slightly of Polk and Macune. They are even on the alert to make every sly puncture they can make with their little daggers. We honor Baylus Cade in having the courage of his convictions; we honor hini for resigning an office he could not conscientiously fulfil. Let the plutocracy and their great statesmen learn a lesson from this and resign whenever they are honestly persuaded they are called upon to advocate a measure not for the .interest of the masses. Office is too sweet for this. Lucius Lagone. Gold Rock, Nash Co., N. C, June 20, 1891. Mr. Editor : I see many good pieces published in 'your paper from the brethren and exchanges. If all were as true as those who write, we could sing hurrah to the land of God. ' Now let us hurrah for Polk and the Sub Treasury plan regardless of what our opponents say about us. The bright light is shining and is getting brighter. The East and the West, the North and the. South are brighter. And minds are brighter both for and against the laboring class. So we can begin to see through a gla&s that is dark who is for us and who is against us. When we find a mail against us, he is a man who doesn't expect by work in the corn field but climb up some other way besides the right way. I have pulled off my coat and expect to roll up my sleeves and vote for the laborer or ho one, as I have done in part heretofore. He must preach my cause and he must work and act it in and out of the corn field. Now let me say I don't keep many of your papers at home, I want every body to subscribe for it and read it. The time is fast coming when the Scriptures will be f ulfiled : "The meek shall inherit the earth. Blessed are the peace-makers for they shall be called the children of God." Read the 5th chapter of Matthew, brethren, and all those against us let them read over and over this and all the rest of the Bible and study it and see where is their part and parsel. Moses was the meek man who led the children of Israel out of Egypt and from under Pharaoh the great man who caused the ten plagues to come on his people. Now what is to befall us with the mil lionaires as our leaders? Spavin, cold and hunger. Let the reform come and let us stand like Moses did for deliver ance from under the yoke of money kings. Our Alliance is pushing on to victory by trading with those at the helm. We sympathize with those who -have lost house, horse or anything by sickness or disaster, and we should start a different plan to meet those losses.- I think this a good plan : Take five cents of the quarterage that is left in the treasurer's hands of the Sub-Alliances and send- it to the Business Agent of the State and pay out at that rate for every good member 5 cents to his part, and let the Alliance having such unfortunate members make its complaint to said business agent or some one else appointed to attend to it, that the person's loss may be sent in money or trade with the State Business Agent to that amount, as the case may be. One case may re qure $5, another $100. This should be according to the loss or need of the person. The matter should not extend to large farmers because they ought to be sustained within themselves. I received the picture and think it can't be bettered by the "opponents -xyf the Alliance. Success to The Progressive Farmer and its principles. I get every one to subscribe that I can. Yours truly, .... B. J. Archbell, Sec'y. THE NATIONAL BANKING LAW. It is doubtful if one person in every ten, even at this late day, understands the enormity of this most infamous, high-handed, premeditated robbery of the people, or what it has cost the toil ing millions in money or muscle up to date. The amount of actual cost which can be figured direct, almost knocks the bottom out of the multiplication table and staggers belief, while the indirect losses are far too great for the average mind to grasp. Let us turn this monster, this mod ern Juggernaut, over and examine his. mechanism, see wherein his strength for evil lies and whence it came. It is geared tdplow deep. It was so designed. It has accomplished what was intended by its authors the enslavement of American labor. It is the child of avarice, conceived in sin and born in iniquity. Bankers regarded the greenback as their enemy." From the standpoint of avarice it was. It cost the people no interest, could not be cornered, was good anywhere, and everywhere it went was sunshine and gladness. Bank ers look to the people's misfortunes for their harvests. They thrive on indi vidual or national calamity. Financiai miasma they hail with delight, revel in its slime. Bankers held a conference and de termined that the greenback should be destoyed, let it cost what it would to do it. Gold must be made the standard, as gold was limited in quantity, was not then, never" had been, and never would be in the hands of the people. It was a creature the bankers could con trol, and by controlling it through it they could control all values, wreck fortunes, destroy homes, blast hopes, and force the bodies andsouls of mil lions of men and women on the market to be knocked down to the highest bidder. All of which they have accomplished step by step under the glaro of a vic torious patriotism, hid from the masses behind mountains of political prejudice. This infamous conspiracy was per fected, enacted into law, and fastened its poisonous fangs on the holy politic, and still lives to curse generations un born. Only a revolution, peaceable or otherwise, will ever loosen its grasp. Oh, what a crime ! . ' The "exception clause" put in the greenback was the banker's first de mand. It created an abnormal demand -for gold, and debased the greenback until, compared with gold, they were worth only 40 cents on the dollar. That" enabled the banks to buy and hoard vast quantities of them, which they did. Next they demanded a liw to enable them to profit on said invest ment. They got it, of course. Having -invested largely in greenbacks and Congressmen both, they were now masters of the situation. The rest was easy. Their next demand was that bonds be issued in large quantities, drawing 6 per cent, interest in gold, payable in advance. This was done and they exchanged, and so, at xne jump, the banker's 40 cent, greenback realized him 100 cents, equal to gold. The products of labor went tumbling in prices the other way, in the same proportion. - One would think this was enough to satisfy greed, but it wasn't. They. ment register and take care of their bonds free of cost and exempt them from all taxes, but that, in addition, as the crowning act of infamy, it allow them to bank thereon, and, crazy as it now looks, it did just that thing, by furnishing them black-backs for circu lation as money among the people at high rate of interest, an amount up to within ten per cent, face value of their bonds, thus allowing: them to obtain One of C cents gold on 100 cents bond; the other 90 cents currency returned -to them by the government on same bond. All the capital invested in said 100 cents was 40 cents originally paid for the greenback. By a system of short loans and dis-" counts, known to bankers, it is safe to assume that on an average the banks realized fully 12 cents interest on the black-backs, donate 1 to them by the government. Add to this the 6 cents gold interest on the bond, and wo get ' 46U)8eent&-perajinnum .profit- on an original investment of onlv 40 cents paid for greenbacks, being over 40 cents per annum, by law, mind you. Under this law, about 4, 000 banks were organized with charters running for 20 years. Figures grow tired calculat ing the profits piled up by these sharks. This whole business from its concep- tion, inception, on through its various stages of deception, down to final cul mination, was little short of the rank est treason, and deserves the execra tion of mankind. If only a mistake, it was fearful ; if a crime, it was damn able. Under Cleveland's administra tion over 2,000 of these banks were re- , chartered. . Now, for convenience, take $100 as a basis for circulation, and we will sooa -ascertain the banker's profits growing out of this villainous legislation. 1. For $100 in gold he obtained $250 in greenbacks. 2. He exchanged the greenbacks for $250 in interest bearing bonds. JUis net profits in this deal was . only $210. 3. He drew $15 gold inter est each year for 20 years $300. 4. Black-backs received from T7 S to bank on $225. 5. Twenty years bank-: ing profit, say 12 cents per annum on bonds present value $70. Total, $1345. Deduct from this, currency now ' returned, black-backs 225; amount to expense charged by U. S. $2.25; total, $227,25.. He laid down $100, and picked up $1,118.75. All strictly according to law. Now if wo ever did swear (but we don't), we would say d n such a law. But this is not all. Money gives a auairs. inow ii saia Danger aurmg me time, foreclosed a few mortgages, and bid in the property at half its real value (which was often, done) then there is rr y i , no estimating what his profits really were. ' But how did all this affect farm interests? It haired all values of farm products, and practically, doubled all indebtedness, by contraction and get ting the money to pay with out of our reach, so that to day it is as hard for a farmer to pay $100 of debt, under national banks, as it was for him to pay $400 during greenback times. All know this is true. The amount of the national debt has been about twice paid in interest. The Erincipal has been reduced about ono alf, even more I think. . And yet, it would require more farm products at average prices to pay the remainder, than it wouM to havo paid it all when the debt was first created. Evidently there was method, on the part of our law-makers. Our remedy " Turn the rascals out. A. 2 Jtarreu , man cr-cJiange.
The Progressive Farmer (Raleigh, N.C.)
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July 14, 1891, edition 1
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